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Dear Sir,
My earlier preference as a busy ruling party national secretary
was to treat the MDD/MRD challenge wrapped around a non-existent Third
Term agenda of the PDP government as a minor irritation from an alliance
of failed politicians, largely of failed banks and failed patronage
pedigree until it became clear that this was a carefully designed strategy
by those intent on wiping out the gains of the Obasanjo Administration
towards a reform-driven polity and economy.
It is shocking that leaders who have served this country before now
in privileged positions but have just recently suffered a logical set-back
in their opportunistic careers can play with such dangerous words as
'coup' and 'frame-up.' These are political apostates who, like the Boubon
Kings, have learnt nothing from history.
The truth is that these new democrats believe in nothing except their
deep pockets and opulent life-styles sustained by long years of experience
in kleptocracy, rent-seeking and unbridled patronage dressed up with
the garments of predatory ethnicity. They would soon start crawling back
to the PDP because they lack the capacity, mental and physical, to provide
the alternative platform to the ruling party. I lose no sleep over the
arrival of these yesterday's men of our darker past masquerading as the
new opposition. They can't fly. Too much excess baggage.
Can't you, the media spare us their show of impotence?
Chief Ojo Maduekwe,
National Secretary, PDP
Editor’s note:
Who are these MDD/MRD men? If you want to volunteer a list
of their names, we’ll be more than happy to publish it on this
page.
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August 2, 2005
Dear Sir,
Ask an average Nigerian his perception of Northerners, the Igbo
and the Yoruba and he would tell you that the Northerner is a lazy
dullard who covets power. For the Igbo, you would be told that he is
a greedy person who worships money and is ready to do both the thinkable
and unthinkable to acquire it. And the Yoruba? You would hear that
he is a frivolous person whose motto is partying from sunrise to sundown.
These are stereotypes. It is however, instructive how Nigerians view
one another.
I am worried about the stereotype concerning Northerners, for the simple
reason that it is the most widespread; it has remained ingrained, so
to speak, in the consciousness of Southerners generally, such that even
a primary six pupil at that tender age pictures the Northerner as lazy.
The young and the old, educated and illiterate, the elites and peasants,
rural and urban dwellers, rich and poor, male and female all generally,
perceive the average northerner in that mould.
How was it that rather than dissolve gradually as our other perceptions
of some other tribes, that of the Northerner has seemed to wax stronger
even unto this 21st century? It is because the media, that powerful and
influential medium that fashions images, has itself been bandying over
the years this singsong of the Northerner being a “lazy dullard…” That
is the image of the average Northerner that the press hangs up for us.
And because Southerners are relatively more educated, richer and have
greater access to the media (most of which are based and controlled by
the south), they swallow this oft-repeated stereotype of Northerners
hook, line and sinker. And so it stuck and still sticks.
In truth the press creates perception. But perception is different from
reality. During the military era, military administrators who made the
most noise in the press were considered to be the most hardworking performers,
which was not necessarily so. Foreigners’ perception of Nigerians
as ‘419ners’ and the like is gleaned from what they read
in the media, including the Internet. But it is not a true characterization
of Nigerians. It is different from the reality on the ground, the reality
being that there are far many more Nigerians who are decent and earn
their living through honest hardwork.
I am persuaded that the image of the Northerner as a “lazy dullard…” which
is mirrored to the rest of society is false .It is not a true picture
or reflection of Northerners generally.
I had my tertiary education in the North, precisely the University of
Maiduguri. For about five years (including preliminary studies), I mingled
with many Northerners in the classroom. I returned to the North in late
2003 to work as a Special Assistant in Nasarawa State. I can tell you
that they are generally intelligent. They won departmental and faculty
prizes as did their Southern colleagues. And I remember that in the early
1980s, the Nigerian Television showed a young Northerner who did scientific,
mathematical calculations off the cuff, in a jiffy. The audience would
give him complex mathematical calculations and he gave the answer instantly
(like today’s computers) while the studio audience and presenter
struggled with their calculators for minutes to confirm the answer.
The point is that all human beings on earth are bestowed with intellect.
They have all also been given abilities by the Creator as a gift. But
these abilities have to be developed or unfolded, otherwise they remain
dormant. Opportunities or circumstances for developing them could differ.
That is where there could be differences. Because Southerners came into
contact with Western education earlier, they took off at the starting
blocks faster than their Northern counterparts. Specifically, the old
Western Region was the first to make this contact, so they were educationally
advanced than the two other regions. The Eastern region then followed
suit and sooner than later they caught up with the west.
Since 1999, under the new democratic dispensation, a new breed of leaders
has emerged in most Northern States. They are educated, highly intelligent
governors. They are expanding the educational space and opportunities
for their citizens, creating favourable circumstances for educational
advancement of their people by establishing primary, secondary and tertiary
institutions, including Universities. Foremost among them is Dr. Abdullahi
Adamu of Nasarawa State, a teacher, engineer, lawyer, astute politician
and humanist. Should this momentum be sustained by future administrations,
it will be only a matter of time before the North levels up with the
South educationally.
The next level of the educational revolution will be the girl-child
education; the proportion of girl students to the total student population
in the region is on the average, about 30 percent. The support for that
is being given by their wives. In Nasarawa State for example, the governor’s
wife who is also founder and executive director of the Child Rights Foundation,
Barrister Khadija Abdullahi-Adamu has in recent months embarked on zonal
sensitization campaign visits on girl-child education.
Let us now look at the characterization of the average Northerner as “lazy…” This
also is untrue. Consider that agriculture is the main preoccupation of
majority of Northerners. Agricultural work, tilling of the land involves
real hardwork. There is no job that is as physically exacting as farming.
The bulk of the food produced and consumed in our country comes from
the North, from peasant farmers in the North. Certainly people engaged
in this kind of arduous work, who feed the nation from their sweat, are
anything but lazy.
As for the notion that Northerners covet power, one can only state that
like the social scientists aver, man is a political animal who courts
power. Every Nigerian aspires to wield power; it is not a peculiarity
of any group. When Northerners occupied the nation’s number one
political seat, it was generally thought that they were the cause of
the nation’s woes. Now that power has shifted, Nigerians are still
crying. All sections including Mr. President’s own zone are complaining
of being marginalized. The fact of the matter is that Nigerians generally,
are compulsive critics, they hardly see anything good in their leaders.
This of course is wrong.
Victoria Ngozi Ikeano
Special Assistant to the Nasarawa State Governor
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August 1, 2005
Dear Sir:
Nigerians never fail to amaze me and recent development attests
to this. Isn't it a wonder how in reacting to simple issues, we tend
to blow things out of proportion, making not only a charade of the
whole but also exposing our somewhat limited level of enlightenment
in respect of the issue in focus. Originally, this piece would have
been uncalled for but for the fact that we have simply refused to let
the issue of the recent debt cancellation itself its proper rest even
to the detriment of burning national issues.
Weeks after the cancellation of some of the nations' debt to the tune
of $18 billion by the Paris club, we're still being greeted by paid advertisements
in the dailies by government praise-singers who never seem to allow any
opportunity to avail themselves pass them by. And till date, every section
of Nigerians from pan-ethnic groups, association of professionals to
students' bodies still have one thing or the other to say about how the
money should be expended.
Funny, how the cancellation of the nations' debt to the tune of the
said amount will automatically translate to an improved standard of living
for a nation that has little or nothing to show for the tens of billions
it has accrued from managing its oil resources. Are not the people of
the Niger Delta and indeed the whole of the nation laden with tales and
sights of depleted infrastructure, underdevelopment and poverty.
Yet, this calls into question our understanding of the issue of
debt cancellation for they are not ones to be viewed on the surface alone.
In reading through the many views expressed by Nigerians alike, I have
hardly come across one calling for the terms of the strings attached
to the cancellation to be revealed, for anyone well informed on the issues
of financial engagements between the West and developing countries like
ours knows that their operational mechanism is one of a give-and-take
policy that is itself the bane of our underdevelopment. Even the revealed
condition of having a list of corrupt officials prosecuted remains in
the shadows since our ever secretive government has been so reluctant
in revealing its content. Yet, it may well amount to just one out of
the many conditions tied to the debt cancellation.
Another dimension to the issue by way of the Nigerian factor is that
we never fail to catch up on the latest development to the detriment
of burning national issues. Is it any wonder then that matters such as
the agitation for resource control and increased derivation funds by
the people of the South-South have been swept under the carpet or better
still, made to receive the backseat attention while we yet bask in the
euphoria of debt cancellation? These remain a tool readily used by this
government in perverting our supposedly shortlived memory as a nation
when they drown deafening agitation and issues of national concerns using
blinded and exaggerated achievements or latest issues.
Welcoming as the development of debt cancellation is, it remains in
our national interest to move on from it to issues confronting our daily
lives which the average and grassroots can directly relate with. Why
expend so much energy in celebrating monetary achievements when the very
elements to ensure its proper usage are themselves lacking.
The government though realises this when it echoes that there is indeed
poverty of values in the land. Which is somewhat ironic coming from the
same government that just finished expending millions of tax-payers'
money in hosting a dramatic conference where dearth of values were themselves
displayed by arrogant chosen ignoramus cum representatives who failed
to see beyond their noses in arguing against well deserved agitation
for a minimum of a 25 per cent derivation for the long oppressed people
of the South-South.
Adebayo Adegbembo,
Lagos, Nigeria
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July 31, 2005
Dear sir,
After my attention was drawn by some South-South sympathisers to Umaru
Dikko's diatribe published in The Punch of Sunday 17th I have had to
read that interview several times in order to decipher the thrust or
import of the old man's windy and winding excursion. After a harrowing
time, I came to the conclusion that Dikko's diatribe centred on three
issues. The first effusion was a calculated and provocative insult on
the leadership of the South-South delegation to the botched National
Confab. This great statesman of northern extraction branded all the South-South
leaders cowards for kowtowing to the demands and pressures of the youth
in the oppressed region. His second point was that the initial capital
that was used to extract or explore oil in the Niger Delta came from
the groundnut purse of the North after the South West and South East
had refused to part with their funds. The final point he made is that
the North has always been and is a senior partner in the Federal Republic
of Nigeria.
It may be apposite to state some fundamentals from the outset. The presence
of Dr. Umaru Dikko at the Confab was a form of rehabilitation for this
great politician. After many years in the wilderness of politics, his
coming was a revival of sorts. He had to make himself relevant by appearing
to speak for the North. An examination of his utterances would reveal
the plight of a man who is yet to regain his breath after the long soporific
moments in the crate of time. Else, how can we explain his reference
to the leaders of a region as cowards when right thinking people realise
how tense the nation was and is at this time? For those who care to know,
the suffering in the Niger Delta is palpable.
The level of radicalisation is also high. Any leader who wishes to dine
with the big men in Abuja to the detriment of his people back at home
would have himself to blame ultimately. Indeed, except something serious
is done in the region, the Asari Dokubo threat would be child's play.
My one-year stay at home from June last year to June this year was very
instructive to me. If the leaders do not lead right, the boys in the
Niger Delta will revolt. The youth have become militant because they
look ahead of them and believe that there is not future for them. We
must beware of a man who believes he has nothing to lose.
So, it is not a question of being afraid of the youth. The truth is
that unlike Dikko's terra firma, South-South leaders do give account
of their stewardship, directly or indirectly. The followership is vibrant,
knowledgeable and educated. They know when their leaders are gerrymandering.
They also know when their leaders insult them. When, for example, Mr
Gamaliel Onosode suggested 18% as a compromise position at the National
Conference, you should have heard the comments from the young men and
women of the region. Onosode knows this. Dikko has to learn this. The
firm position of the delegation has turned them into heroes. Niger Deltans
know the governors and leaders who have stood behind the clamour for
the goose that lays the egg to have its due. Does it surprise Dikko that
for the first time retired Generals from the region have openly challenged
their former C-in-C? Does this send a message?
There is a general feeling of betrayal in the Niger Delta. The feeling
is that for too long have the people of the region have been exploited,
cheated and marginalized. For those who have travelled the region, it
is offensive to one's sense of justice to see so much squalor in a land
that produces so much wealth for the nation. Perhaps, all members of
the National Assembly should travel the length and breadth of the region
before taking the final vote when (or if) the report of the Confab ever
comes up for debate.
Dikko argues that the initial investment on oil came from the North.
If we accept this product of Dikko's imagination as truth, may we know
how much profit Dikko's investment has yielded sine 1960? May we know
how much of Delta oil money has been committed to exploring oil in the
Chad Basin? For the records, it was the Federal Government and Shell
that provided seed money that was used for initial exploration. Before
the Nigerian Civil War, the derivation formula was not 13% for the monkey's
work. The change was meant to be temporary, to prosecute the war. After
tasting the cheap money from the Delta, everybody went to sleep. Indeed
while states were being created the Niger Delta was denied more states
for a long time. When finally Delta State was created, it had the voice
of Jacob and the body of Esau. The other states that were created by
the powers that be have now turned out to be unviable. These are the
states that were created and sustained by oil money. Now that the States
which generate the funds are asking for their due, somebody cries that
these same states will starve if the Niger Delta takes 25% of the oil
revenue.
We may need to educate Dikko that in a federation, there are senior
partners. The constituent parts of a federation are equal partners. One
part does not lord it over the others. It is strange that the unitary
form of government for which Major General J.T.U. Ironsi was slaughtered
by northern elements have become the magic wand of the Dikko ilk to keep
the nation in subservience to a cabal in the north. As long as he lives
in this fixation, Dikko will continue to argue that all monies from the
region should be exported to his vineyard so that he may feed fat and
insult everyone.
The Honourable (Dr) Umaru Dikko has not been known to speak with
moderation or sensitivity. In the Second Republic, this great politician
pontificated that Nigerians were not hungry because they had not started
eating from the dustbins. After the coup of 1983, Generals Muhammadu
Buhari and Tunde Idiagbon diplomatically crated him in London, bound
for Lagos to receive a dose of military discipline. His mouth had run
too fast for the mental strength of his God-given faculty and so he had
to be taught a lesson.
This magnificent politician was rescued by British intelligence. In
a decent society such a fellow would never be allowed to represent any
organisation, state or body till the end of his days. But in Nigeria,
everything and anything is possible. Tchicaya U Tamsi the poet says that
'he has used the excuse of his rotten teeth to keep his mouth shut decently'.
But for the great respect which I have for a man of Umaru Dikko's age,
stature and experience, I would have said Liyong's poem should guide
this great man. All I can say is that Dikko is yet to recover from the
sedation which the Buhari junta infused him.
The resource control matter will never die. The conference ended without
any real effort to mollify the South-South. We remember how the Udo Udoma's
Constitutional conference almost collapsed because of Sharia. We remember
how much effort the then Head of State put into the process to restore
dialogue. We notice the absence of such rigour now. But we like the black
man in Langston Hughes' poem, 'I too am America', will stay in the kitchen,
eat well, work hard and later, no one can order us to remain in the background.
In the words of Achebe, the thief has taken enough for the owner to notice.
The future of the Nigerian federation will be determined by how we handle
the resource control demand. Time will tell.
Hope Eghagha
Lagos Nigeria
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July 20, 2005
Dear Sir,
Were it not for those "temptresses" and their contaminated
apples General Sani Abacha might still be with us today debating within
himself and his sycophantic loyalists whether or not to run for the office
of president in 2007. The Abacha billions exhumed from Switzerland and
a host of other European countries would have remained where they were
kept, yielding interests and possible funding for an Abacha comeback.
Oh death how wicked thou art, laying bare those secrets which were meant
to be between us and our fat and greedy bankers!
There cannot be justice to the dead when it comes to apportioning blames
for our collective misdemeanours. Comparatively lesser mortals like the
Tafa Baloguns and Osujis of this world are meant to be the scapegoats
and sacrificial lambs in our theatrical fight against corruption. At
least we have succeeded at impressing the gullible world that something
great is happening in our shores, and got a substantial portion of our
debt written off.
So General Ibrahim Babangida did not pocket any public money during
his dictatorship from 1985 to 1993! So we have all been lousy 'coffee
shop' gossipers, including General Olusegun Obasanjo himself who once
accused the Babangida dictatorship of corruption and 'setting' political
opponents! So all the glittering luxuries surrounding Babangida today
were his inheritance which we have all along fail to acknowledge! The
soothsayers that surrounded Abacha were all fake. If they had correctly
foreseen the future for him he would not have jailed Obasanjo. If he
were alive and contributed generously to Obasanjo's second coming, his
billions would have remained intact. Unlike that arrogant Muhammadu Buhari,
saying things Obasanjo would want to hear, as well as supporting that
important presidential library project, would by now have propelled him
to status of the yet-to-be-unveiled heir to the throne, what a pity.
Let us be serious and stop fooling ourselves, the knowledgeable British
politicians who asked after General Ibrahim Babangida knew he was alive
(The Guardian July 8, 2005). In their diplomatic inquisitiveness, all
they sought to know was why President Obasanjo had not probed the most
corrupt one in the history of the nation. Babangida's billions may be
hidden from us, but not to those intelligent British eyes and custodians
of our loots. Obasanjo's hands, I believe, are simply tied!
Anthony Akinola
anthonyakinola@yahoo.co.uk
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July 18, 2005
Dear Sir,
ANOTHER June 12 has come and gone. With it, the country was treated
to a parody of remembrance, a betrayal of a trust and a violation of
a sacrifice. The first signal was sent by a so-called June 12 coalition
(which very few had heard about. Having killed NADECO, they have the
urge to keep creating new organisations whose agenda have nothing to
do with the struggle).
It ran an advertised list of Special Guests of Honour to grace a special
symposium in remembrance of June 12. The names included Chief Dim (what
a title) Odumegwu Ojukwu (the same Ojukwu whom Abacha sent round the
world to rubbish NADECO), Dr. Kalu Idi Kalu (the same Kalu who served
in Abacha's cabinet), Chief John Nwodo and Alhaji Balarabe Musa (the
same Musa who refused to join NADECO). Worse was to come. The keynote
address, as advertised was to be given by none other than General Muhammadu
Buhari (Yes, the same Buhari who managed the Petroleum Tax Fund under
General Abacha).
Omitted from the list of invitees were the original prominent members
of the June 12 struggle. Mallam Shehu Sanni (who was imprisoned), Dr.
Amos Akingba (who was detained and later driven into exile), Dr. Peter
Obadan (former Edo Deputy Governor who ran the London NADECO office),
Chief Ralph Obioha (who ran the Canadian office), Professor Bolaji Akinyemi,
Ayo Opadokun, Joe Igbokwe, Colonel Abubakar Umar, Chief Gani Fawehinmi,
Chief Arthur Nwankwo, and Wale Oshun who took over from Ayo Opadokun,
just to mention a few.
When the event was eventually held, most of the heroes of democracy
like Gen. Alani Akinrinade and Chief Oyegun stayed away from a politically
leprous event. It is true that politicians would throw or forfeit principles
on the altar of expediency. But even then, it must have been desperation
that drove a Chief Falae into not only sharing the same political platform
with General Buhari but proclaiming a readiness to form a regrouping
of progressives that would include the likes of Buhari. Obviously, Nigerian
salvation cannot be found within the ranks of such people driven by sheer
crass ambition.
I am ready to concede that NADECO was an umbrella under which several
tendencies, some with contradictory agenda, found shelter. All were united
by the common desire to get the military out of Nigerian politics. But
I doubt how many of them subscribed to the core values of NADECO which
were validation of June 12, restructuring of Nigeria and a return to
true federalism. Some, I refrain from saying many, just wanted to climb
on the backs of NADECO to inherit the structure and system put in place
by the military and their civilian collaborators. Ike Okonta, in an incisive
article, sometime ago, had made some allusions to the activities of some
of the so-called NADECO exiles who spent more time on their business
activities while abroad while pretending to be NADECO activists only
to return home to become prominent office holders. One of them even has
complaints filed with the British police for collecting money from Nigerians
by pretending that he can get them British resident permits based on
a non-existent NADECO resident permit quota.
Of course, the so-called June 12 coalition is not the only one on the
game. President Olusegun Obasanjo, who was one of the most brutalised
victims of the Abacha regime, and who was translated from prison to State
House, has found it expedient to surround himself with supporters of
his torturers, whether within the cabinet, the corps of Special Advisers,
or the corps of Special Assistants. No defence can be raised. It is simple
sordid politics without redemption.
One must readily admit that there are times when exigencies of state
dictate that past misdeeds should be overlooked. After the World War
II, President Charles de Gaulle decided to overlook the crimes of French
Nazi collaborators because he calculated that French communists posed
a greater threat to French national interests. No one could have accused
de Gaulle of adopting this policy for shabby personal and parochial reasons.
Similarly, after the World War II, the United States went in for mass
recruitment of German rocket scientists who became critical contributors
to the United States defence and space programmes. Even though this policy
could not be defended on moral grounds, no one could fault it on national
interest grounds.
To that extent, one cannot even fault the participation of the
Abachists (followers and associates of Abacha) in several facets of national
life, including the National Assembly, the Civil Service and the on-going
National Confab. They represent a significant chunk of Nigeria which
can only be ignored or antagonised to the peril of Nigeria itself. But
no such lofty justifications could be made for their pervasiveness in
the executive branch of government. However, even if one expects nothing
better from the Obasanjos, Annenihs, Ojo Maduekwes and Jerry Ganas of
this country, one expects a lot better from a June 12 movement which
based its existence on higher principles of morality than the sordidness
of political expediency.
And that is not all. When the leading lights of thought lose their bearing,
the nation suffers. What, one might ask, is the relevance, in this day
and age, of raising a flag of "progressives" in Nigerian political
life? Are our thinkers still stuck in the 1960s? Were the developmental
programmes of the AD/AFENIFERE governors more "progressive" than
those of their PDP or ANPP contemporaries? The development of Bayelsa,
Cross River, Nasarawa, Jigawa, just to mention a few would put to shame
what was on ground in Oyo, Ogun, Ondo, Ekiti and Osun States, under progressive
AD governors. Maybe it is the paucity of thought by aged men that is
leading to a granite coalition of strange bedfellows, but it bodes ill
for the nation. It desecrates the memory and the struggle and the sacrifice
of our heroes past.
Not that all is lost. Perhaps the more this political chicanery takes
place, the more space will be created for genuine principled people to
emerge and occupy the lofty moral grounds. It is only a hope. What else
is left to hang on to?
Dr. Adu Han
New York, United States
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July 15, 2005
Dear Sir,
The only thing it takes for Mrs Maryam Babangida to muster the temerity,
boldness and audacity to insult the collective intelligence of Nigerians
once again that they will return to Aso Rock in 2007 was a statement
credited to President Olusegun Obasanjo in London that allegations of
corrupt enrichment and other criminal activities being levelled against
IBB were unsubstantiated coffee shop rumours.
I laughed and laughed until tears started rolling down from my
eyes when I read Mrs Maryam Babangida's joke of the century that Nigerians
will reward them again in 2007. It never ceases to fill me with wonders
how some people overrate themselves even when history does not support
their claims, even when all odds are
against them, and even when such people know that it is impossible
to climb a tree from the top.
Nigeria has moved beyond a banana republic to take up a leadership position
in Africa, courtesy of President Obasanjo and God forbid that Nigeria
will fall into the hands of those who made her a laughing stock in the
comity of nations. Those who created yesterday's problems must never
control our tomorrow's potentials.
Those who brought unprintable disaster to our fatherland, with
bloodstains in their hands will never be rewarded again with the highest
office in the land.
Another school of thought says that when people have demonstrated
unprecedented capacity and have done very well at a level you reward
them by moving them up but when people make mince meat of a position
you yank them out of the system to make way for other competent people.
President Obasanjo and his team have been breaking their backs for six
years now to clear the Augean stable a combination of Buhari, IBB, Abacha
and Abubakar left behind. Obasanjo and his team are virtually rebuilding
the burnt shop called Nigeria they left behind. They ruined NITEL, NEPA,
Nigeria Airways, NPA, NNPC, NAFCON, NNSC, banks, etc. They used sharp
axe and mowed down the things that held us together as a nation. They
set the major ethnic groups against one another, minorities against minorities,
brothers against brothers, friends against
friends, families against families, wives against husbands, etc.
When the war was raging on, the plunderers were helping themselves with
our common patrimony - the public till.
President Obasanjo, Vice President Atiku Abubakar, the Finance Minister,
Mrs Oby Ezekwesili and many others went through excruciating experience
to get 18 billion dollar debt these self-appointed leaders foisted on
us off our shoulders. The president and his team have been going around
the world pleading with the foreign investors they drove away to return
to Nigeria.
Political watchers and analysts are looking beyond 2007. The questions
on everybody's lips now are; Who will succeed OBJ in 2007? Will such
a person continue the reforms? Will the monumental progress he has recorded
in almost every sector of the economy be sustained? Will such a person
command the respect of the international community? Will such a person
have the courage and the sagacity of OBJ? Will such a president be blunt
as he is? Whoever is coming in 2007 must be an improvement on OBJ. And
judging from the benchmarks on the ground some people like IBB are already
disqualified. The shoes OBJ is leaving behind is damned too big for little-minded
elements like IBB.
IBB came to power in 1985 and was disgraced out in 1993 after eight
years. Since he left power 14 years ago, he did not go back to school,
he has not travelled outside to learn new things, he has been in self-imposed
exile in Minna spending our money.
Sometimes he sneaks out in the night to attend few functions. Now, how
can a man who has not done anything to improve himself or add values
to himself and others come back after 14 years to rule a nation that
is still saddled with problems he created in the first place. I am told
that there are two people that matters most in the history of any nation.
First is the one who turned forest into a nation. The other is the one
who turned a nation into a forest. IBB turned Nigeria into a forest.
It takes sophisticated people to bring about sophisticated progress.
It takes good leaders to bring about good governance. Only the deepcalls
to the deep. People with 3'x2' mind cannot handle a 20-'x30' idea. Nigeria
is no longer a huge laboratory where inept, weak, wicked and fraudulent
leaders come to perform all kinds of experiment that bring no good to
anybody except tears, agony, pains and death. We are in search of leaders
not dealers. We need engaging leaders not clowns.
I think Mrs Maryam Babangida should be contented with the running of
her schools, the Al-Amin Schools and forget about Aso Rock. It will never
be possible again, all things considered. If she is emboldened by the
president's joke in London, I think she needs to do a study on the man,
Obasanjo.
Joe Igbokwe
Lagos, Nigeria
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April 9, 2005
Dear Mr President,
I wish to make a request for a pass to Aso Rock to come and pay my respects
and to congratulate you for your recent assault on corruption. But it’s
not going to be all praises as I intend to seize the opportunity to give
you a piece of my mind on the selective nature of your assault and your
narrow definition of corruption.
Corruption is not only about stealing public fund or receiving gratifications.
It is corruption and a crime to deny those who won elections their victory,
and to award victory to those who lost. It is corruption to misuse the
apparatus of government, particularly the security agents, to rig elections
as widely done in the general and presidential elections of April 2003.
It is corruption to claim the results of such elections as mandates from
the people!
Corruption includes the deceit of trusting Nigerians whom you promise
one thing, and do something else. Corruption includes creating situations
of uncertainty and stress, for the entire populace to gain selfish advantage.
Corruption includes playing one religion against the other and one ethnic
group against another for whatever gains.
Corruption includes the betrayal and the squandering of the trust
and hope reposed in you by the people for a better and democratic deal
in governance to better their lot and protect their lives and property.
However, the definition of corruption does not include the role I played
in bringing you to power, something for which I am still doing penance.
Chief Monday Arewaniyi
Chairman Awo Consultative Forum (ACF)
A.k.a Chief Sunday Awoniyi, Chairman of the Arewa Consultative Forum
(ACF)
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April 10, 2005
Dear Chief,
Your latest outbursts against the Obasanjo administration are regrettably
in keeping with your now well known penchant for baseless vituperation
against the government of the day, borne out of personal frustration
over unfulfilled ambitions.
Your comments are full of foul innuendoes and false assertions clearly
aimed at impugning the integrity of President Obasanjo and his close
aides without justification.
It is most unfortunate that at a time when other patriotic and well-meaning
Nigerians are commending the President for his latest onslaught against
corruption, your perception of current realities has become so beclouded
by your unwarranted ill-feelings against the President that you cannot
bring yourself to acknowledge, as other Nigerians do, the President’s
unprecedented efforts to slay the monster of corruption in our society.
Obasanjo will not be distracted from his efforts to build a better Nigeria
by you and your ilk.
The President has always challenged anyone who has verifiable evidence
of corruption against any person within or outside his administration
to come forward with such evidence and see if no action will be taken
against the accused.
This challenge is still there for you and your fellow travellers to
take up. If you think the role you played in bringing the President to
power is worth investigating, then come up with your facts instead of
continuing your campaign of calumny against the Obasanjo administration
through lies and thoughtless generalisations.
Mrs Remi Oyo,
Senior Special Assistant to the President on Media,
Aso Rock, Abuja
Editor’s note:
Why is it that powerful individuals who play a role in bringing
other people to power always go on to play a major role in making sure
their chosen or protégés are discredited mid-way through
their reign?
Is it because of something the powerful individuals expect to come their
way that doesn’t come; or something that comes their way they do
not expect?
What do you think? If you have a comment, you can either please send
your “foul innuendoes and false assertions
clearly aimed at impugning the integrity of President Obasanjo and his
close aides without justification” to
the editor.
Or, your “baseless vituperation
against the government of the day, borne out of personal frustration
over unfulfilled ambitions “ to:
monday-arewaniyi@veryhotmail.com
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April 3, 2005
Dear Sir,
May I through this medium congratulate the ‘life’ president
of the federal republic on the allocation of choice government properties
in Lagos, built during colonial times with government money to Anyaoku
and Gambari, who are homeless patriots. These men served as diplomats
for Nigeria, and are therefore experts at politely getting what they
want at little cost. They were trained at great cost by the nation, and
have throughout their life been engaged in the patriotic art of lying
for Nigeria. In other words, they have been able to convince us through
the current executive, that the ‘getting’ of houses by them
was their actually ‘giving’ something back to Nigeria.
Anyaoku is from Obosi, close to Onitsha, he has never been unemployed
and has earned a good part of his remuneration in pounds sterling, crowning
his career as a senior staff of the British Commonwealth. Anyaoku can
build a house for himself. He does not live in Lagos, but comes from
Anambra state, his house was not torched during the recent mayhem at
Awka. Infact, he stands to lose a lot, because some of the properties
burnt down could have been sold to his offspring during future allocations
by the state government, which refuses to explain his deafening silence
on the Anambra imbroglio. (Let that crazy Achebe stay out there and weather
the vicissitudes of winter in old age.)
Gambari is a scion of the ruling house of Ilorin. He does not come from
Lagos. He earns a fat sum in foreign currency as a United Nations official.
He has never been unemployed in his life. Needless to say, he too could
purchase a house for himself, and was living somewhere before his recent
posting to New York. His allocation is actually for strategic reasons
as a fall back on the likely future torching of houses in Ilorin, by
the Odua Peoples Congress.
The cases of Anyaoku and Gambari, are just examples of involuntary conversion
of state property, and it is legal and based on international law. The ‘right
of return’ is a fundamental liberty right proclaimed by the United
Nations and applicable to the likes of Anyaoku and Gambari. It is trite
to mention that the Nigerian state being a law abiding entity, ‘shall’ do
all in its power to obey treaties voluntarily entered on behalf of Nigeria
by the aforementioned two. Enemies of democracy should stop questioning
the powers of the executive to cut underhand deals with their cronies,
in an environment where it is not wise to be honest, when nobody is looking.
I have a word for the detractors of this government who are nursing
the following queries: Firstly, where does Aremu the great, the embodiment
of the state, have the right to allocate houses to the aforementioned
two, so that they could ‘return’ to the country? Secondly,
can’t they build their own houses, buy one, or partake in the bidding
process like normal decent people? Finally, what did we expect from men
with elastic consciences, anywhere?
The answer lies when we find out how old these men are, and what they
needed these houses for, apart from greed and their insufferable belief
that Nigeria owes them. Allocation of houses to them was actually unfortunate
for them, because they happen to come from a country where the great
are small and the small are great, in other words they lacked a place
in their villages, through no fault of theirs, where they can live and
scratch any part of their body that itches, which is the bane of the
poor of this country. It is the will of God.
I have no comment on the remaining 205 allocations made to people who
never have to speak about their actions because their actions speak for
it. They at least, were the normal and honest Nigerians who believe in
the federal common wealth.
Sincerely,
Tatabonko Orok Edem
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February 12, 2005
My Dear Abdul,
I WAS worried when I saw your name listed among those who have
gone to court to question the President’s right to call Nigerians
together to discuss problems they believe can make for a better
country which should create the environment for discipline, integrity,
dignity of labour, social justice, religious tolerance, self-reliance
and patriotism. After I had become tired trying to reach you on
your mobile line, I had to send you a text message to which you
sent a reply.
I asked whether you were opposed to the invoking of a constitutional
conference, and I can assure you that I was relieved when you said
you were not. I was relieved because I was afraid that you might
not have known that your people in Edo North Senatorial District
had decided through the Tactical Committee meeting of the Afenmai
Peoples Assembly that they would not boycott the conference and
that they would push for restructuring the federation. They said
they would relate to other senatorial districts in Edo State, and
express their views at the South-South Peoples Assembly.
You can then see how easily your association with the group opposing
the conference can be interpreted back home as undermining the
decision those who voted for you had taken. You may have had other
reasons, therefore, to join 56 of your colleagues in the House
of Representatives to move the court to stop the President from
asking Nigerians to meet and discuss their problems. From the volume
of water that has passed under the bridge, it would seem that you
and your colleagues at the National Assembly are opposed to what
the President is doing for reasons that are not personal. You are
saying that Mr. President is usurping the power of the National
Assembly and that he has no right so to do.
I will not hesitate to accept your case if you recognize who is
the arbiter in matters of this nature. The arbiter is not you and
your colleagues, nor any interpretation you or your colleagues
may want to give in asserting the powers you have to make law.
Your claim must be backed by the Constitution of the Federal Republic
of Nigeria which created the position you occupy today. You are
one of 360 in the House because the Constitution says so. And the
Senate of the National Assembly has a membership of 109 because
the Constitution says so. The President is there today because
the Constitution says so, and other office-holders in other organs
of government at the centre, the states or local government areas
are there because the Constitution so provides. So, the powers
you and your colleagues claim to have and which the President is
being accused of usurping must be right there in the Constitution.
I have searched for them without success, and that is why I am
writing this letter to you to withdraw your name from the list
of those who have gone to court.
I would like to ask you to come along with me for the search.
But let us accept what the courts themselves have held as trite,
and that is that every part of the Constitution counts for the
purpose of establishing what its provisions are. You were elected
from Owan in Edo North, my own part of Edo State. I have a stake
in your reputation because you are from Ivbiaro where I was a teacher;
you made a name in journalism, a profession I am proud to be part
of; and you were outstanding in boldly questioning the excesses
of the military as a member of the civil society family. The demand
of the Constitution was and remains that as an elected member of
the House, you cannot take office until you have met the requirements
of the Seventh Schedule to the Constitution. The schedule is in
two parts, both of them being oaths you must take. You know what
it means to breach an oath or be seen to be doing so.
The first oath is the Oath of Allegiance in which you swear to
be faithful and bear true allegiance to Nigeria. You swore that
you would preserve, protect and defend the Constitution. And you
asked God to help you fulfill this serious undertaking. Then you
took the other oath, the oath of office, in which you promised
to perform your functions as law-maker honestly, to the best of
your ability, faithfully and in accordance with the Constitution
of the Federal Republic of Nigeria and the law. Whatever you do
in office, you swore, would always be in the interest of the sovereignty,
integrity, solidarity, well-being and prosperity of the Federal
Republic of Nigeria.
There was another area of this oath which many of your colleagues
seem to have forgotten. It is the area that spells out fully what
all organs of government must be doing. It is chapter two of the
Constitution which deals with what our dreams are in the social,
political, economic, educational, environmental, technological,
cultural and foreign policy areas. Abdul, you swore to strive to
preserve these fundamental objectives and directive principles
of state policy. You swore to preserve, protect and defend the
Constitution.
The other area of the oath has to do with abiding by the Code of
Conduct contained in another schedule of the Constitution. After
you had taken the oath on the floor of the House, you assumed office
of making law. You are therefore no law executor or law interpreter.
I am aware that you are fully aware of this and that is why you
and your colleagues went to court. Let me now direct your attention
to the most important part of the Constitution, especially to those
who want to know what they are supposed to do, and are hungrily
willing to do it. The chapter can be divided into five main parts.
These are the fundamental obligation of government, the government
and the people, objectives of state, obligation of the mass media,
and duties of the citizen.
Only one of the 12 sections in chapter two deals with the fundamental
obligation of the government. The section says that it shall, not
may, be the duty and responsibility of all organs of government
and all authorities and persons exercising legislative, executive
or judicial powers to conform to, observe and apply the provisions
of the chapter. This is why you swore to do this before you took
office.
The second part defines clearly the relationship between the government
and the people. The type of Nigeria endorsed is that which is based
on the principles of democracy and social justice. A declaration
was then made that sovereignty belongs to the people of Nigeria.
It is from the people that government, through the Constitution,
derives all its powers and authority. This means that anyone who
says he has power to do anything must point to the section of the
Constitution that grants that power. There is, therefore, nothing
inherent in the position of anyone who claims to exercise power
in our polity.
The second part dealing with the relationship between the government
and the people is not done yet. It says government is there to
ensure the security and welfare of the citizens. Finally, it is
made clear that the participation of the people in their government
should be ensured in accordance with the provisions of the Constitution.
This points to no other direction than that no one can claim that
sovereignty can be delegated. The objectives of state form the
third part of chapter two. These are our own version of the American
Dream whose system we have adopted at more cost than they themselves
are willing to incur relative to their resources. The political,
economic, social, educational, foreign policy and environmental
objectives are settled for actors in the polity, and a directive
is given on the cultures, not the culture, of the country.
The fourth part imposes on the mass media the obligation to monitor
governance on behalf of the people and hold the government accountable
to the people. They are therefore the voice of the people which
the government must listen to, if it wants peace. The final part
of the chapter tells the citizens, from the President to the market
woman, to abide by the Constitution, respect its ideals and institutions
and legitimate authorities, help to enhance the power, prestige
and good name of Nigeria, respect the dignity of other citizens,
and live in unity and harmony, and in the spirit of common brotherhood.
Abdul, the Constitution makes it clear that the power to make
law for the country resides in you at the House and your colleagues
at the Senate. Your power to make law is defined. It is for the
peace, order and good government of the Federation or any part
of it. But you are restricted. You cannot make law on everything
under the sun. You have power to make law, to the exclusion of
any state house of assembly, in the areas listed in the Exclusive
List. They are in Part 1 to the Second Schedule to the Constitution
and they number 68, including two omnibus sections. You also have
overriding power over the second list in which both you and state
assemblies can make law. But you have no power to make law to destabilize
the country. In another way of saying it, you would be acting in
self-interest, and this you swore never to do, if you moved to
prevent what would undermine the motto of the Federal Republic
which section 15 of the Constitution you swore to defend tells
you is Unity and Faith, Peace and Progress.
Let us move to that part of the Constitution which people run
to in defence of their rights even when they refuse to perform
their duties. The rights are not negotiable because they are the
gifts of God to man which have been universally recognized and
are documented so that no one would be in doubt about their place
in the affairs of men. You and I have, like any other Nigerian,
a right to life; a right to our dignity as human beings; a right
to personal liberty; a right to fair hearing; a right to private
and family life; a right to freedom of thought, conscience and
religion; a right to freedom of expression and freedom to own,
establish and operate a medium to impart information, ideas and
opinions to those who are willing to receive them; a right to peaceful
assembly and association; a right to freedom of movement; a right
to freedom from discrimination. There are other rights in chapter
four of the Constitution but the extent of their exercise is defined,
and you cannot, therefore, under any guise, deny any Nigerian or
group of Nigerians their right to come together and discuss their
problems, their right to be heard about those many things which
over time have been seen to work against the unity, peace and progress
of this country.
The media have spoken about the ills, about corruption, about over-government,
about abuses of due process, about the faulty structure of government,
about unemployment and rickety social institutions; about NEPA
and NITEL and roads and medi-care; and about corruption and aids.
They have been asking that we talk. NADECO fought for talking.
The G-34 had the same agenda as the Patriots have had since the
life of this administration started experiencing stresses. The
Pro-national conference organization is the latest in the groups
of those who have asked for a national forum for Nigerians to discuss
their problems. The talk shop that the National Assembly moderated
or has been moderating under the chairmanship of Distinguished
Senator Ibrahim Mantu may have achieved a great deal after some
N2 billion is said to have been spent on it. But how many people
know about what you are doing there that would fundamentally address
our problems and save this country from disintegration?
Abdul, you say the President has no power to do what he did. Many
have other reasons for not supporting the President. They think
he has an agenda to put people he believes will create room for
him to stay for another five years. But your grouse is that he
is usurping your power to make law. I disagree because what the
President is doing has nothing to do with law-making. At best it
will lead to gathering material that would be packaged into a law
that would enable Nigeria to move on. But how can he do that and
how has he done that?
Since he cannot act outside the Constitution, he may have been
advised to do what section 153 of the Constitution empowers him
to do. That section provides for establishing certain bodies for
the Federation, bodies like the Code of Conduct Bureau, the Council
of State, the Federal Character Commission, the National Defence
Council, the National Economic Council, the Nigeria Police Council
and the Revenue Mobilisation, Allocation and Fiscal Commission.
The body that he had to go to on matters of the nature under consideration
is the Council of State.
The Council of State is the second of such bodies, and its composition
and functions are settled under Part 1 to the Third Schedule of
the Constitution. Members of the Council are the President who
chairs it, the Vice President who is the deputy chairman, all former
heads of state of Nigeria, all former chief justices of the federation,
the President of the Senate, the Speaker of the House of Representatives,
all governors of the Federation and the attorney-general of the
Federation. The President can table before them what problems he
has and seek advise "on the maintenance of public order within
the Federation or any part thereof and on such other matters as
the President may direct."
The President set up a committee headed by the Governor of Kaduna
State and the committee produced a brief which the President took
to the Council of State. Two members of the National Assembly were
there – the President of the Senate and the Speaker of the
House. They were party to the decisions that a conference should
be called. The President wanted a national dialogue. He emerged
from the meeting with a National Constitutional Reforms Conference
which would be attended by 400 Nigerians, all to be nominated.
The teams emerging show that if anyone had the brain waive of pushing
any ideas through the conference, that plan has collapsed.
If you and your colleagues refuse to approve funding for the conference
because the conference must first be backed by law, did you ask
that the poverty alleviation programme be first backed by law before
you approved funds for its operations? You think the President
does not know that he can spend money proportionate to what he
expects where you have not passed the appropriation bill as at
the beginning of the year?
Read section 82 of the Constitution ten times. Abdul, believe me
when I inform you that people are angry at what you and your colleagues
are doing with their future. They say in the market places that
you are self-seeking and that you would want a status quo to remain,
a situation when more than 92 per cent of our resources is spent
on you and your colleagues at the National Assembly, the state
36 Houses of Assembly, the 774 local councils, the presidency,
the governors and their army of un-elected hangers-on, and chairmen
of councils who routinely wait for the monthly allocation and preside
over sharing that little portion which the state governments concede!
People think the country is so much on the brink that it should
be fundamentally restructured so that latest 2007, the decisions
taken would take effect.
Abdul, let me assure you that you really have no cause for alarm.
That the quality of people emerging to attend the conference dwarfs
your status is only illusory. They are not going there to make
law. They are going there to discuss how we, numbering more than
130 million, grouped into more than 250 nationalities, should,
can and must live together in one country where we can cooperate
rather than compete. They think we are spending more than we can
afford on meeting your bills which you are entitled to because
the Constitution accommodates them. But they want you to be part-time
law makers; they want those who represent the people to be there
to attend to their needs in open assembly where questions can be
put and answered. They are tired seeing their chief executives
draining their treasuries and getting away with it because they
are protected from arrest and prosecution by a Constitution that
thought that people in such high offices would conduct themselves
with decorum and the fear of God in their hearts.
Abdul, I started by saying that I saw your name listed among those
who have gone to court to question the President’s right
to call Nigerians together to discuss problems they believe can
make for a better country which should create the environment for
discipline, integrity, dignity of labour, social justice, religious
tolerance, self-reliance and patriotism. I did not coin the words
intalicised. They are right there in section 23 of the Constitution,
side-noted National Ethics.
I plead with you to go home to find out what our people, the people
who gave you the mandate to represent them, say they want. And
when you return, go to your colleagues and tell them boldly that
you are withdrawing your name from the list of protesters because
the action is ill-advised, anti-people, extremely self-serving,
and a direct attempt to deny Nigerians their right to assemble,
express themselves, and decide how they can live in a country that
is refurbished and refocused, and in which the federating units
are strong enough to call the shots in all areas except the cementing
few that would be left to the centre which would then programme
for a Nigeria that does not just have a future, but a mission.
My very warm regards to Hon. Tunde Akogun and Abubakar Momoh,
the other two of your colleagues from Afenmailand, and to Chief
Victor Oyofo, the distinguished senator from our senatorial district
in Edo North.
Yours sincerely
Prince Tony Momoh,
Former Minister of information
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December 6, 2004
His Excellency,
The President, Commander-In-Chief,
Federal Republic of Nigeria, Abuja
RE: ANAMBRA AND RELATED MATTERS
About a month ago, the nation woke up to the shocking news of
a devastating attack on Anambra State resulting in the burning
down of radio and television stations, hotels, vehicles, assembly
quarters, the residence of the state Chief Judge and finally, Government
House, Awka. Dynamite was even applied in the exercise and all
or nearly most of these in the full glare of our own police force
as shown on NTA for the world to see. The operation lasted three
days.
That week, in all churches and mosques, we, our party, and you
as Head of Government and Leader of this Nation came under the
most scathing and blithering attacks. We were singly and severally
accused of connivance in action and so forth. Public anger reached
its peak.
Recommendation
You set up a reconciliation committee headed by Ebonyi State Governor,
Dr. Sam Egwu, and we all thought this would help calm nerves and
perhaps bring about some respite. But quite clearly things are
nowhere near getting better.
While the reconciliation team attempted to inspect damaged sites
in Anambra, they were scared away by gun fire, further heightening
public anger and disdain for us.
Bomb explosion in government house, Awka
On Tuesday, the 30th day of November, 2004, another shocking development – a
reported bomb explosion in Government House Awka. Since then, the
media, public discourse within and even outside of our borders,
have been dominated by the most heinous and hateful of expletives
against our party and your person and government. It would appear
that the perpetrators of these acts are determined to stop at nothing
since there has not been any visible sign of reproach from law
enforcement agencies. I am now convinced that the rumours and speculations
making the rounds that they are determined to kill Dr. Chris Ngige
may not be unfounded.
The question now is, what would be the consequences of such a
development? How do we exonerate ourselves from culpability, and
worse still, how do we even hope to survive it? Mr. President,
I was part of the second republic and we fell. Memories of that
fall are a miserable litany of woes we suffered, escaping death
only by God’s supreme mercy. Then we were suspected to have
stolen all of Nigeria’s wealth. After several months in prison,
some of us were freed to come back to life penniless and wretched.
Many have gone to their early graves un-mourned because the public
saw us all as renegades.
I am afraid we are drifting in the same direction again. In life,
perception is reality and today, we are perceived in the worst
light by an angry, scornful Nigerian Public for reasons which are
absolutely unnecessary.
Mr. President, if I write in this vein, it is because I am deeply
troubled and I can tell you that an overwhelming percentage of
our party members feel the same way though many may never be able
to say this to you for a variety of reasons.
But the buck stops at your table and in my position, not only
as Chairman but also as an old friend and loyal defender of your
development programmes which I have never stopped defending, I
dare to think that we can, either by omission or commission allow
ourselves to crash and bring to early grief, this beautiful edifice
called democracy.
On behalf of the peoples Democratic Party, I call on you to act
now and bring any, and all criminal, even treasonable, activity
to a halt. You and you alone, have the means. Do not hesitate.
We do not have too much time to waste.
A.I. Ogbeh, OFR
National Chairman
cc: Vice President
Chairman, Board of Trustees
Speaker, House of Representatives
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My dear Audu,
I am amused and not surprised by your letter of December 6, 2004
because after playing hide and seek games over a period of time,
you have finally, at least in writing, decided to unmask and show
your true colour.
Having made this introductory point, let us go over systematically
and, in some detail, through the whole episode of the Anambra saga.
I must add that I have expressed sadness and condemned the wanton
destruction of properties that took place in Anambra recently.
When it turned out that, Governor Mbadinuju was an unmitigated
failure in Anambra, as PDP governor in our first term, I made it
clear to you that I would not go to Anambra to campaign if Governor
Mbadinuju was being sponsored as PDP gubernatorial candidate in
spite of his calamitous failure. You did not tell me that you were
sending a discrete investigation team to Anambra to find out the
situation on the ground.
You never said yes or no but I determined that, in good conscience,
I could not go to Anambra to campaign for support and seek endorsement
for Governor Mbadinuju.
About six weeks later, you came to report to me that you have sent
two people discretely to ascertain on the ground whether people
wanted Mbadinuju or not and you had received report that 66 2/3
of the people of Anambra did not want Mbadinuju.
For me, what we knew about Mbadinuju in terms of failure to pay
salaries in some cases for over 7 months which led to school children
not being able to take the WASCE did not need any discrete investigation.
However, your discrete investigation convinced you that I was
right and you brought Mbadinuju to me, for you and I to tell him
that he could not be a gubernatorial candidate of the PDP in Anambra.
You rightly, I believe, requested that I should work with you
to give him a soft landing and we agreed to make him an ambassador
after the election and we even agreed on which mission abroad,
subject to our success in the elections.
Mbadinuju asked for a letter from me and I refused because I said
that my word was my bond but that you were free to write him one.
A few weeks after that meeting, Mbadinuju decamped from our party
to the AD and sought election as governor of Anambra on the platform
of the AD.
When the members of our party started jostling for nomination,
as normal with me, I refused to endorse a candidate; it is only
after the primaries that the party's candidate becomes my own candidate.
And in the case of Anambra, if I had wanted to support anybody
at all, it would have been Jerry Ugokwe because he was one man
I knew but, of course, I was consistent on my policy. And when
Ngige emerged as the candidate of the PDP from the primaries, he
was brought to be introduced to me and, of course, he became not
only the party's candidate but also mine.
After enquiries about the situation in Anambra and about Ngige
himself, I made a point to him that he should go and reconcile
himself with his father with whom he was not on talking terms as
I believed it was an abomination for an African son to be in a
state of enmity with his father to the point of absolute non-communication.
I advised Ngige to reconcile with his father and the rest of his
family and he reported to me that he did.
The election took place and Ngige was declared the winner. I congratulated
him along with other victorious candidates. Realizing that Ngige
would need some assistance to help him through the teething problem
of his administration, I invited him to consider having a non-partisan
honorary committee of elders of the state and he agreed.
I talked to Igwe Nwokedi, Chief Mbasulike Amechi and the Anglican
Bishop of Awka to get two more people with them to act as such
honourary non-partisan advisory committee of elders for the governor.
For them to maintain their independence, I said that any transportation
or administrative funds that they might require would be provided
from the presidency rather than the state.
After two months, Igwe Nwokedi, who was supposed to be the chairman,
reported that the governor was impossible to advise or to work
with and that was the end of that effort. Mr. Chairman, I reported
that effort to you.
When on one occasion, Chris Uba came to report that things appeared
to be going wrong between him and the governor in the presence
of Chief Amechi, I asked the latter to go and sort it out for them
in his capacity as an elder of the state and veteran politician.
I requested Chief Amechi to report back to me. The truth is that
as far as Anambra was concerned, I considered it my duty to work
with all stakeholders in the area of avoiding conflict and on that
ground I promised to act on any report or advice from Chief Mbasulike
Amechi.
I never had warning that things were going sour in the state any
more until I was in Maputo, Mozambique on July 9, 2003 when I received
report that the governor had resigned. I did what normally I do
not do except in an emergency by using government facility for
strictly non-governmental purpose. I instructed that an airplane
from the presidential fleet be made available to a team to rush
to Anambra to investigate what was happening. That team went on
Friday morning while I was still in Mozambique and returned on
Friday evening. You will recall that the team reported to you and
I that what was happening in Anambra required urgent party action
to resolve it as a family affair.
A Senate Panel that followed in the same vein re-opened something
similar. Mr. Chairman, the following Sunday, you received and opened
a brown envelope in my residence in Abuja that contained three
different letters of resignation and a video of announcement of
resignation of Governor Ngige. You were as shocked as I was and
you promised to do something about it that night. You left with
copies of the documents and the next thing you did after that was
to insinuate that Ngige's problems were caused by me.
Unfortunately, as in many other instances, you failed to do what
you should have done as the chief executive of the party and rather
prefer to insult me not only as the President of the nation but
also as the leader of the party which you seem never to recognize
or acknowledge. From that point on, I only did my job as a President
by investigating.
What the police did or did not do and dishing out punishment to
be confirmed by the Police Service Commission which in its own
report asked for a complete investigation of the matter. That investigation
was carried out by the Attorney General and his report was acted
upon. After that, I deliberately remained aloof about political
events in Anambra except whatever may affect security and loss
of life and property.
I, in fact, asked both Ngige and Chris Uba never to come to my
office or to my residence and you know this. As far as I could
remember, a childhood friend of yours came with you to discuss
the issue of Anambra between you and I on one occasion.
Soon after, I briefed the party caucus in detail on my role, on
what I saw and did and the party caucus endorsed every action that
had been taken by the executive arm of government in respect with
Anambra. A few months later, two members of your Working Committee
-Olisa Metu (an Ex-Officio member) and Farouk (the youth leader)
-came to appeal to me to specially intervene in reconciling Ngige
and Chris Uba, I refused initially because I believed it was really
the responsibility of the party. But since you had shirked your
responsibility as party chairman, I conceded and asked the two
members of the NWC to bring Ngige and Chris Uba to me. That was
the only time, after several months, that I allowed them to enter
my residence.
I was shocked that a man in the position of aspirant or one elected
as governor could actually resign on three different occasions
in writing and on one occasion, the resignation was on videotape.
I, also, was of the opinion that for Ngige to have allowed that
to happen, there must have been some extra-legal motivation. There
has been accusation and counter-accusation as reasons for such
ungainly behaviour. When the two of them came to see me, the two
young men who had brokered the opportunity for Ngige and Chris
Uba to see me wanted to leave. I refused and insisted that they
had to be at the meeting because I wanted them as witnesses.
After almost two hours of talk, we dismissed hoping that fences
would be mended and reconciliation wou1d be fully established.
They left and waited on the corridors for a while. Olisa Metu came
back and requested that I should meet with Ngige and Chris Uba
alone without witnesses for them to feel free to unwind.
Again, I did and that was when I got the real shock of my life
when Chris Uba looked Ngige straight in the face and said, "You
know you did not win the election" and Ngige answered, "Yes,
I know I did not win.” Chris Uba went further to say to Ngige, "You
don't know in detail how it was done." I was horrified and
told both of them to leave my residence.
This incident was reported to you because although constitutionally,
Ngige had been declared winner, for me and, I believe, for you
there remains a moral burden and dilemma both as leaders in Nigeria
and leaders of our party. You did not consider it important enough
to do anything or talk about it. I told Ngige that the only way
I could live with this moral dilemma since he had been constitutionally
declared as governor is that I will continue to deal with him in
his capacity as the governor of a State in Nigeria purely and strictly
on formal basis either until he runs out his term, he decides to
follow the path of honour or until any competent authority declares
otherwise. That remains my position to date.
That notwithstanding, immediately after the Court of Appeal overturned
Justice Nnaji's order, the Police promptly obeyed. That is what
rule of law is all about.
Furthermore, based on all that I had heard, I told Chris Uba and
Ngige that their case was like the case of two armed robbers that
conspired to loot a house and after bringing out the loot, one
decided to do the other in and the issue of fair play even among
robbers became a factor. The two robbers must be condemned for
robbery in the first instance and the greedy one must be specially
pointed out for condemnation to do justice among the robbers. To
me, the determination of the greedy one is also a problem, maybe
they are both equally greedy. Justice, fairness and equity are
always the basis of peace and harmony in any human organisation
or relationship. Anambra issue is essentially a human organizational
and human relationship issue.
I was on a tour of five countries in five days going from the
UK through Finland and Sweden with a stop-over in Libya to Tanzania
last November when the recent issue of violence broke out. The
Inspector General of Police who claimed that the crowd was overwhelming
for the police strength was instructed to double the number of
mobile police unit by bringing additional men and women from the
adjoining states. He did so and he reported that 19 looters and
destroyers were arrested and charged to court with some vehicles
seized. NTA coverage of that unfortunate incidents is not the issue,
wars are watched like theatrical plays in the contemporary world.
The issue is whether or not the police performed or did not perform
their duties.
Mr. Chairman, obviously you do not expect me to do less than I
have done. I even went out to do more because since you failed
to either resolve the political issues that are intra-party matters
and they have been spread to engulf the entire state or decisively
punish any offender, I decided in consultation with Governor Ngige,
to set up a fact-finding and reconciliation committee under the
Governor of Ebonyi State to put an end to the violence, create
a conducive atmosphere for the Governor to return to his station
and to ensure permanent peace, security through reconciliation
of the known warring party members - Chris Ngige and Chris Uba
- and their supporters. And this was after I had a meeting with
both the PDP state chairman and the governor. Since the Governor
of Ebonyi, whom I have asked to keep you fully posted on his findings
and progress of his committee has not yet reported to me, and since
I have taken every necessary step to ensure a resolution of the
political problem in Anambra which you have failed to confront,
I consider your letter opportunistic, and only a smokescreen and
I believe I should answer it in some reasonable detail as I have
done. I also took every reasonable step to beef up security to
deal with the situation.
On Tuesday, December 7, 2004, after the party meeting on the crisis
in Kogi State, you told me that you had written me a letter on
threat to Ngige's life and you indicated to me, which you did not
do in the letter, that one Honourable Chuma Nzeribe was the culprit.
As I will not dilly-dally on an issue of security, even before
I received your letter, I directed the Director-General of the
State Security Service to look into the matter. It may interest
you that almost on daily basis letters are received in my office
of people alleging that other people want to assassinate them.
All such allegations are forwarded to security people for investigation.
None has been substantiated yet. But we will not take any issue
of security lightly no matter who claims to be in danger.
And contrary to your belief and insinuation, just today, December
9, the governor of Anambra came to me to seek my opinion and advice
on whether or not to constitute a commission of enquiry into what
happened in the state. I did not hesitate to advise and encourage
him to do so in order that all the facts would be exposed and verifiable
truth established rather than trading in rumours.
Let me end on this note: whatever may be your reason for the ambivalent
disposition and handling of the party problem in Anambra like you
have done in other places and the ulterior motive for your letter,
if and when in my capacity as President of Nigeria duty calls on
me to act, I will not shirk my responsibility and we will at the
end of the day be at the bar of the public both at the party level
and national level. Let me also say that it is, indeed, unfortunate
that you make so many unnecessary and unwarranted insinuations
in your letter about our great country. I have taken judicial note
of the ominous comparisons you made between a government in which
you participated that was overthrown in a coup d'etat and this
present administration.
I wonder if that is your wish since you may not now go out penniless.
But whatever agenda you may be working at God is always in charge
and in control. Warped perception must be differentiated from reality.
Perception created and manipulated for a sinister purpose cannot
be reality. The greatest danger to any country is putting truth
out of favour; extolling evils of lies, deceit, treachery, disloyalty,
unpatriotism, corruption and unconstitutionally. That is my greatest
fear for Nigeria and it should be yours and that of any right-thinking
Nigerian. Not too long ago, I challenged you to think beyond the
ordinary, the expected and the self, I still put that challenge
on the table.
Let it be on record that I do believe that I have invested the
totality of my life in what I may call "Enterprise Nigeria" and
if it means that in the process of repositioning our dear country
for sustainable greatness, what is dearest to me would have to
be sacrificed, I will in good conscience, not hesitate to do so.
And if that will enhance Nigeria's development, it is a sacrifice
that I will be glad to make. I have reached a stage in life that
I have passed the state of being intimidated or being flattered.
I can stand before God and man and in clear conscience to defend
every measure that I have taken everywhere in Nigeria since I became
the President and will continue to act without fear or favour or
inducement.
And it does not matter to me what is sponsored in the Nigerian
media, in particular, the print media. I believe that our vindication
will come through the truth, which is the only thing that can uplift
a nation and make an honest man and a sincere believer in God free.
May I crave your indulgence to copy this letter to all those to
whom your letter to me was copied. In addition, I am copying the
President of the Senate, the number three man in the present hierarchy
of this government and a party leader in his own right, whom you
deliberately left out of the distribution list of your letter for
reason best known to you. One thing I will never stop doing is
praying for Nigeria in general and Anambra in particular.
May God continue to bless and prosper Nigeria. In spite of the
malevolence of some Nigerians, Nigeria is moving to the cruising
level and cruising speed. That is the work of God and what all
Nigerians and friends of Nigeria should do is to join hands in
hastening the work of God in Nigeria at this juncture.
May God help us to help ourselves. I wish you well.
President Olusegun Obasanjo
Arse-hole Rock, Abuja
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Herbert
Macaulay writes another letter
Another letter from Herbert Macaulay
Dear Compatriots,
It's quite a while since I last wrote to you on national issues. Since my
last missive, much water has passed under the bridge, as earthlings would
put it. Okadigbo has since joined us. He always keeps to himself, constantly
nursing a bottle of brandy and waiting for some of those rascals who tear-gassed
him in Kano to come over. Mamman Vatsa is still waiting for his executioners
to arrive. Asari Dokubo's meeting with Chief Obasanjo got our approval. Fela's
yabis and satiric antics have enlivened the place. He has also composed a song
titled 'Khaki Democracy don Yakata'. It's the anthem hereabouts!
Up here, I must confess, hope is gradually giving way to despair.
Awo has furiously been writing letters to Master of Life for special
permission to return and set a few things right. He and Bola Ige
who was brutally despatched to us have had lengthy sessions on
the quagmire in the South West. Their secretary Onabanjo keeps
moaning over the loss of Ogun State to NPN. As for Azikiwe, the
old man wept for one week after the Governor Ngige was kidnapped.
When hoodlums sacked Government House Awka, he made furious efforts
to reach Aso Rock. On getting through, the man at the other end
listened to him for two seconds, took over the homily and gave
the great Zik a lecture. I have it on good authority that the man
has refused to eat since the ugly incident! He keeps complaining
about the 'nincompoops, neophytes, vagabonds, riff raff and 'political
inconsequentials' that have seized Anambra State by the balls'.
That set Mbadiwe reeling with laughter! Zeeeek of Africa! He hailed
after the bombastic release of explosive words.
The Sardauna spends his time meditating on how to persuade his
cohorts downstairs to allow the Igbo a chance at the Presidency.
He was particularly disturbed by the stay-at-home order given by
MASSOB on August 26. Zik has been able to convince him that if
the presidency must come to the South East, Ojukwu should be left
out of the matter. Why? Balewa asked, "The man reminds the
country of war'. There was a long silence after that. The spectre
of a war froze everybody. It was K.O. Mbadiwe who eased the tension.
'As long as the timber and caterpillar, the obeche and Iroko have
accord Concordia in the geographical contraption called Nigeria,
the weapons of war shall be vanquished'. There was general laughter.
As for me, my saddest moment came when President Obasanjo publicly
admitted his ignorance about the litre price of kerosene and that
of petrol. My tongue was tied to the roof of my mouth. Why must
we enter our house through another man's gate? That day I ordered
that the flag be flown at half-mast. I then reasoned that the man
might not really know how bad things are in the country. Perhaps
he should step into his ordinary self for one week, leave the reins
in the hands of his deputy, and feel the real heat. I mean he should
divest himself of the trappings of office, depend on his pension
and see whether at the end of the week he would still sing the
reform songs being composed by the IMF, recorded by the World Bank,
anchored by Okonjo-Iweala and broadcast by the Ministry of Finance.
The number of unresolved cases of assassinations also saddens me.
Harry Marshall. Bola Ige. Dikibo. And now, Jerry Agbeyegbe! Who
is next?
Oshiomole! Any time that name is called here we stand up in respect.
The fellow has virtually taken over the heart of the country by
striking a chord with the Nigerian people. The hardship across
the land has united peoples of different religions, ethnic group
and clime. I do know that when leaders take tough decisions they
become unpopular. Yet leaders should carry the people along. There
is intense hunger in the land. There is anger in the land. As I
write I look down at the creases on the faces of so many young
people. I see premature grey hairs. I see able-bodied young men
and women loitering the streets. I see university graduates joining
ethnic militias. This is a dangerous army. Something has to be
done. I am planning a private letter to Aso Rock. I don't intend
to disclose the contents of the letter to you. But I know I will
tell Aso Rock that the ship of state is running aground and the
captain has to change course.
The word 'corruption' has lost its meaning in Nigeria. Up here,
we have isolated all the fellows who were found guilty of corruption.
Some of them have atoned and have been accepted back. It is a serious
matter. The Chairman of the Anti Corruption Tribunal is Murtala
Muhammed. In appreciation of his excellent work, we have made him
an honorary high court judge with robes and all. The man takes
no nonsense. He goes out in search of skeletons in people's cupboards.
And are the skeletons mighty! He sits permanently at the gate with
a long sheet of paper. On arrival, one is compelled to declare
his/her assets and liabilities. It's been very revealing. Some
ex-leaders who died suddenly have lost millions of pounds in Swiss
accounts because they did not let their family know about the secret
accounts. Also, everybody here, particularly Abacha has recognised
the senselessness in accumulating millions of Naira, pound sterling
and dollars while the rest of the people suffer. There was a particularly
crude thief who wept all the way to join us. His pain? He did not
convert his Naira loot to dollars before the summons! After three
hot slaps from the General-at-the-Door, he refocused his attention!
Hero Saro Wiwa has not given up pipe smoking. As I indicated in
my last letter, Abacha has continued to beg him for forgiveness.
His letter requesting that Wiwa be given a posthumous national
award will reach Aso Rock soon. Abiola has forgiven Abacha. In
fact, they had supper together last night. Kaltho simply ignores
Abacha. There is a permanent look of remorse on the latter's face.
I feel sorry for him each time I see his God-forsaken-face! His
best friends are Idi Amin Dada and Mobutu Sese Seko. He keeps repeating
his threat to summarily 'deal with' those who gave him Indian apples
when they come up (or down) here!
Our second national conference started in August. There are eight
alternate Chairmen. All the zones and professions in the nation
are represented. The way I see things, the conference might go
on for three years. We are paying attention to all the details
that would ensure mutual co-existence. The agenda does not include
dismemberment. In fact, dismembering the country has been ruled
out. The touchiest point is that of resource control. Wiwa has
been eloquent on the issue. He argues that eighty five percent
of resources be given to the region that generates it. The Sardauna
agrees. He has remained unhappy with northern governors for doing
nothing about the natural resources in their region. Laziness,
he says, is not the hallmark of good leadership. Three weeks ago,
he sent a letter to Kaduna requesting a return to the era of groundnut
pyramids. Has the letter arrived?
Generally the atmosphere here is sad. When will you people get
it right? When will Uhuru come? There was a big party here the
day Chinua Achebe rejected the national award. What kind of country
reels out awards to its citizens when the nation is tottering?
But the celebration did not last because there has been no mass
action. I urge Nigerians to rise up to the challenge of democracy.
Change can only come when the people desire it and act. In 2007,
the people should utilize their ultimate power - voting out looters
and incompetent bunglers. They should ensure that INEC does not
remain a rubber stamp. Any mango that is rotten should not be left
in the nation's basket. As the Delta State people say, 'No basket
for rotten mango'. And to Oshiomole I say, 'Don't become a rotten
mango; just keep the flag flying'.
Yours very gravely,
Signed
Herbert Macaulay
Submitted by Hope Eghagha, Guardian,
Lagos 28/11/04
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Dear Editor,
My attention has been drawn to an open letter
to Obasanjo which I was supposed to have written to you while
turning in my grave. You know it's not true. I didn't write it
from down under in Kano . I wrote it from up here, where I have
been upgraded for over five years. I have also seen all the blasphemous
pieces you and your goons have been writing about me.
Not your fault. Where were you when I was Head of State? Dan
buruba ! International Coward!! If you yourself didn't run away
on the so called self-exile, I would have ordered you thrown
into a cement mixer for the making of the foundation of the Abuja
abattoir.
Let me tell you, I was not a thief. The billions of dollars that
have been traced to Swiss banks by the present two-faced government
of Nigeria belong to me legally. Although I was the Head of
State, I was also a trader. I made my money from trading in oil
and selling Naira at the black market. What is wrong with that?
Are you not a trader too? Are you not trading in rumours on this
website? Is the current president of Nigeria not trading in vengeance
and other commodities? Tell me, which civil servant, or army officer,
or teacher, or legislator, or governor or student is not a trade?
Why do you Nigerians single me out for unfair mention?
If I had known that things would turn out like this, walahi I
would have dispatched Obasanjo and the others immediately after
I had ordered my tribunal to find them guilty. Now he is abusing
me. Does he know when and how he, too, will expire? Look here,
you bloody civilian, just thank Almighty Allah that I was not able
to catch up with your type. Your corpse would not have had the
privilege of a grave. Nonsense!
Let me warn you, in fact let me warn Obasanjo and all those who
are spoiling my name, I am waiting for all of you here. I have
put together another Strike Force here. Your names are with my
new CSO. If you compare Al Mustapha my former CSO with the present
one that I have, Al Mustapha will look like Malaika Jubrilla (a.k.a
Angel Gabriel). My CSO and I are waiting for you here, and I don't
care how long we have to wait.
The problem with Nigeria is that there are only very few good
people. Like my wife Maryam. Like my son Mohammed. Like Wada Nas.
Like Nzeribe. Like Justice Bassey Ikpeme who is here with me. Like
Mustapha and Rogers. Obasanjo is a pretender. The only good
thing he has done in his life is to tell Nigerians what I had known
for several decades - that they are all idiots! Now he is taking
the credit for that branding, but I am the one who researched
into the matter. There is no shame in being an idiot.
I have more things to say, but it is getting near dawn now. You
know I work only at night. One of these nights, I will find time
to write the part 2 of this letter. It is so much work writing
a letter. Harder than signing cheques to transfer money to Switzerland
. Harder than being head of state or GOC. I wonder how some of
you idiots make a living by writing - day in day out. Walahi, it
is sheer torture.
Oh, before I stop, let me tell you that contrary to the lies being
spread by Nigerian journalists, I have stopped eating apples and
definitely no Viagra. Also, I have lately put a sign in front of
my place here which reads: "No Indian Girls". If anyone
associates my name with apples and Indian girls from now on, I
will sue ... no, that is not practicable... I will put the person's
name in the black list with my CSO and, insha Allah , we
shall wait for him. I am not a man of many words. I stop.
Yours very gravely,
General Sani Abacha (late) , CON, GCFR,
Fss, AWC, FRCN, NTA, R.I.P
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The US is not a member of the Commonwealth but through the fraudulent
coalitions of interests in the all-embracing ineptly named war
on terror, it is convenient for Bush and Blair to be selective
in their choice of allies including military despots while condemning
less dangerous and even elected administrations like President
Mugabe's.
It is of course all about protection of national interests and
anyone who challenges the status quo is automatically considered
an obstacle.
In the midst of all the blazing hypocrisies and double standards, it is actually
amazing that the Commonwealth has the time and, above all, the guts to call
the innocuous King Mswati of Swaziland to order over his trivial pursuit of
replenishing his overstocked royal harem by accumulating more young wives.
At least the young man makes love not war.
Ikhenemho Okomilo
New Age, Lagos
March 2004
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Our father who hath in Heaven,
It was a grave mistake and indeed a curse that history saddled
this beleaguered country with an Obasanjo at a time we are in need
of redemption. It is like being led by a foreigner knowing neither
where to go nor from where he is coming. The tragedy is that Obasanjo
would not even admit that he has lost his way and Nigerians must
pay for his mediocrity.
Even if obfuscating Obasanjo is incapable of giving Nigerians the basic of
life's amenities, he should at least do something concrete about securing the
nation in a way that even those families that will have to go to sleep already
dehumanised and starving, can do so with both eyes closed.
Our President is a bad dream. A tragic one indeed, just like the
thought that these serial, unresolved murders, are the handiwork
of people in our midst; people that we see everyday but too helpless
to apprehend; and now, the Government is asking us to simply live
with it!
John Oseze-Langley
Daily Independent, Lagos
March 2004
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Dear compatriots,
It is not often that I get to write to you. I venture out only
when we on this side of the great divide feel seriously aggrieved
about a subject or a topical issue. It might take a full week for
this letter to get to you. I don't mind the length of time at all.
The distance between where we are and your land is great, far greater
than you can imagine.
My suggestions are timeless, not bound by time and circumstance
which is the fate of mere mortals like you. By the way, I send
you greetings from Chief Awolowo and Dr. Azikiwe. They have been
restless since the last elections. Awo has been at pains to understand
why Afenifere fell for the grand deception of the PDP. He has been
trying to reach Adesanya with little luck. Somehow, the chemistry
never synchronizes. Awo is not happy about the attempt to kill
the Ekiti State governor. Since December 2001, he has been pointing
a touch light at the brigand who plotted the execution of his former
confidante, Bola Ige. He prays day and night for justice. When
Iyiola Omisore was sent back into custody, there was jubilation
here.
Tafawa Balewa is always cheerful here, giving a knowing smile
about politicians and their antics. Always a gentleman, he never
fails to remind us about how the bloody military truncated his
rule in 1966. When Nzeogwu and Ifeajuna arrived here there was
a tempest of epic proportions. It took the combined strengths of
Kiliwe Nwachukwu and Giant Alakuku to stop the upheaval. Often
we ask him to make speeches and we just enjoy his golden voice
without paying attention to the contents of the speech. By the
way, we do not practise religion here. We simply venerate God.
So you fellows down there must behave properly. What shall it profit
a man if he professes religion and suffers the loss of the true
knowledge of God Almighty!
As for the Great Zik, he has given up on his successors. The day
a governor was kidnapped and forced to sign a resignation letter,
the old man could not sleep. That day he begged God to return and
right things. Somebody, I can't remember who it was, quietly asked
him to hold his peace. He made reference to Okadigbo's insulting
remarks about the ranting ant and concluded that those ambitious
fellows in Igboland would not respect him at all if he ventured
back. He still worries about the clash between his sons and the
woman who kept him company before he left the earth. He wonders
what Ojukwu is up to calling for an interim government. Does he
want to rule through the back door
If he wants the Nigerian people to take him seriously, he should
shave his beard and speak like a Nigerian. The sight of a Fidel
Castro beard frightens the Americans. Who wants a Marxist-looking
fellow in charge of the most populous black African nation
Zik keeps screaming "Education for the youths" into the microphone,
hoping that someone downstairs would hear him. You see, he is worried
that all the Igbo boys are going into buying and selling without
a sound academic background.
The Sardauna greets you too. He does not understand the fuss about
sharia. When the world campaigned against stoning Safiya to death,
he felt greatly pained. He wondered why the senior citizens in
the north did not stop the politicization of a strictly religious
matter in Zamfara. I felt sorry for this great man that day. He
kept praying and stayed away from us for a long period of time.
At a point, he threatened to carry out a jihad against politicians
who were 'monkeying' around sharia. He is a bit calm now that the
fever has subsided. I am sure that his letter calling on the Zamfara
state governor to soft-pedal will soon reach you. All the nationalists
here have mandated me as the foremost statesman up here to do the
letter. It will come in series. That is to say, for the next three
or four weeks, I shall be speaking on issues on which we have reached
a consensus hereabouts.
The last general strike embarked on by the NLC was spectacular.
In a way, Oshiomole reminded me of veteran Pa Imoudu, the man who
fought the wily, cunning and strait-laced British to a standstill
in our time. Those were the golden years. By the way, they come
from the same part of the country. Is this a coincidence or are
there some natural elements that make people from that area, strong
union men
It might just make sense for all labour leaders to study how men
of the Edo stock manage to be so strong these days when settlement
has become a norm.
We were very sad about the strike. Sad, because the whole fiasco
could have been averted. For a moment I thought you fellows were
up against a foreign ruler, not an elected leader. In the current
dispensation, organised labour is the hope of the common man, against
oppressive and hopeless policies. Labour therefore must be strong.
I like what they have been doing to companies that keep workers
on starvation wages. You see, colonisation by our own people is
worse than colonisation by a foreigner. Some of the companies have
actually brought messengers and cleaners from their home country.
As you know there are very many able-bodied men and women loitering
around the country. In our time, we would have fought such companies
to a standstill. The Chinese and Lebanese companies are most despicable
in this regard. It's a great irony that now that the communist
state of China has embraced capitalism, the citizens have become
worse than the progenitors of vampires!
Tell Oshiomole to keep up the good job. He must gird his loins
against the future. He has seriously bruised the large ego of somebody
at Aso Rock. And if I know that man well, he has the memory of
an elephant. He never forgets. But the strength of Oshiomole is
in the support of the people. As long as he takes up popular issues,
he would always have the backing of the majority. I will write
on the issue of Warri next week. Oged, as you all know, is no more
around to keep the flag flying. So I say to you all 'Keep the flag
flying', in spite of hunger, inflation, and an insensitive government.
Hope Eghagha
The Guardian, Lagos
11/3/04
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WE ARE in the season of open letters to Obasanjo. Every Tom
Dick and Harry -from retired generals to elder statesmen and
ex-dictators - has written one since Col Abubakar Umar's scathing
letter received an unusually courageous, polite, thoughtful and
mature response from the President's trusted spokesman, Femi
Fani-Kayode.
The presidency has since dissociated itself from his response, claiming, "the
young man spoke in his personal capacity and definitely does not know how government
works. The Federal government needs not concern itself with replying to every
individual letter or opinion. We don't have to listen."
However, hours after he was flayed by his senior colleagues, Fani-Kayode, in
a statement, on Monday said: "The idea that I spoke in my personal capacity
is a grave error."
We are not surprised last night, when the mention of "grave", roused
our erstwhile Head of State from his peaceful rest to join the fray. Below
is his grave look at Obasanjo's government.
Dear President Obasanjo,
You may find the following observations totally unnecessary, since
leaders like yourself who believe they know it all may have at
some point in their past made the same observations to others,
I think I owe it to my conscience to make it to you, notwithstanding.
At any rate, I know of no better time than now to get my knife
out, when all the knives are out there for you. And of course my
knife will not be strange to you, since it is the same one you
threw at me years ago.
From the quiet of my grave, I can see all the deficiencies in
your administration, particularly in your management of the economy.
There's a lot of "financial and fiscal rascality" going
on. Deficit budgeting, deficit financing, deficit trading but more
important, we have an administration that is deficit in credibility.
It is deficit in honesty, deficit in honour, deficit in the truth.
The only thing your administration is surplus in is saying one
thing and doing something else, undermining the structure and fabrics
that hold the nation together. All these have increased cynicism
and scepticism about government and governance in Nigeria and until
something is done to remove or reverse this, all other things will
be difficult.
It has now got to a stage that when your government says good
morning, the people will look out four times to ascertain the time
before they reply. This is a bad situation in any society for any
human institution. Any administration that comes up must learn
one lesson. That lesson is that though Nigerians may be quiet,
silent and their absorbing capacity being quite elastic and all
that, I believe that it is important that government levels up
to the people; dealing honestly with the people as I failed to
do for five good years.
You will be making a grave mistake to follow in my footsteps.
General Sanni Abacha (late),
Kano, Nigeria
* The Late general wrote the letter, while turning in his
grave in Kano, last night. We are not sure whether or not the
letter is a rehash of an old one Obasanjo sent to him 10 years
ago.
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